What Factors Influence Uk Voting Behaviour Politics Essay

What Factors Influence Uk Voting Behaviour Politics Essay Voting behavior is the Psychological way of saying how people decide to vote in elections. Although voting is an individual act, it does not take place in isolation. Votes are influenced by a host of factors. These factors can be put in to two main groups. There are sociological factors which is called long-term factors looking at how people vote. Also political factors which is called short-term factors which focuses on the way people vote in general elections. psephologists have discovered various of theories to explain the factors that influence voting behavior in general elections. There are evidence which shows fewer people identify with a stronger party compare to 40 years ago. Elections are becoming more volatile. The 1997 General Election was apolitical Earthquake, which swigged of over 10 percent from Conservative to Labour. Long-term factors Class de-alignment plays a significant importance in voting behavior. Class de-alignment have long been the most significant influence on voting behavior in Britain. Historically, Labour always been a working-class party and Conservative was richer and middle-class party. A weakening relationship between social class and party support has been evident for some years now.   The evidence supporting the class de-alignment thesis may be seen in the fall of the majority voting for their natural class. In their classic study Butler and Stokes (1974) showed that between 1945-1970 Conservative regularly gained four-fifth of middle-class vote and Labour three-fifth of working-class vote. After 1970s these margins fell to Conservative three- fifth and Labour one-half. Less than half of the people voted with their party-class compare to second period. Political scientists such as (Crew 1977) have argued that the link between occupational class and party preference at election times has dimini shed. It is also linked to changes in social class itself. People are now less easily identifiable in class terms. According to Heath (1985) there was no evidence that there had been a fall in working-class loyalty to the Labour party. Rather, the overall decline in the Labour vote reflected a reduction of the size of the working-class as a whole. However, Curtice (1997) rejected Heaths study and claimed that survey indicates that increase in Labours support were fairly evenly spread across the different classes. He stated the rise in Labours support compared with 1992 was more or less the same in each social grade. The differences between the social grades were largely the same in 1997 as in 1992. Rather than being accompanied by the emergence of some long-lost relationship between class and vote, Labours 1997 victory appears to have done little to disturb the relationship between class and vote. Ethnicity is seen as a factor in voting behavior.   This is largely because ethnic minorities account for only 5% of votes.   However, even among the Blacks and Asians in the U.Ks, there is an emerging pattern. The 1997 election demonstrated that 70% of Asians and 86% of Blacks voted for Labour compared to the 25% of Asians and 85% of Blacks who voted for the Conservatives. A reason behind this could be that a large number of ethnic minorities are in low paid jobs which back the reasons to why their needs would suit Labours political policies. With regard to age differences in voting, Labour has done particularly well among voters the age of 30, 28 percent lead over the Conservatives in 1945 and 16 percent lead in 1974. Whereas, Conservatives has done well among the middle age (50-65) leading 18 percent in 1950 and 23 percent in 1974. It has been traditionally argued that women were more likely than men to vote Conservative and less likely than men to vote Labour. Party identification or (partisan alignment) party identification is clearly linked with some of the long-term factors connected with voting behavior. People in particular social class will be aligned to the political party which they identify as being the one which has the interests of their class at heart. In recent decades we have seen clear evidence of partisan de-alignments this means that fewer voters are strongly attached to a political party the emotional bond of loyalty between voter and their party is in decline implying that the electorate is becoming more volatile in its voting behaviour and more likely to adopt a judgemental approach before casting a vote. Short-term factors Issues and values it seems altogether that voters should look at issues and values of the political parties they are voting for. Over the last 15 years political issues has clearly grown.   For example, in 1992 the Conservatives were seen to be the strongest party due to their involvement in defense, taxation, prices and inflation issues, ultimately this shows why they won the election.   However, it is evident that in 1997 Labour maintained the highest success rate because their policies were based on the NHS, unemployment, education, taxation and relations with Europe which resulted in Labour gaining power.   Therefore, the evidence suggest that there is a significant link between party policies and voting behavior. Party leader one thing which will influence voters when it comes to vote is the personality of the person who stands for election. There are two aspects of this, first, the personality of the party leader may count as one of the policy issues on which the consumer-voter bases his/her vote at a general elections. People want their country run by someone who is honest, reliable, clever, eloquent, strong and also good at talking to others. Wilson remained more popular than Heath in 1970, but still lost. Callaghan was preferred to Thatcher as prime minister by the margin of 44 percent to 33 percent in 1979, but it was the Conservatives led by Thatcher that decisively won the election. In 1992 Major was perceived to be better than Kinnock and won, while in 1997 Major was perceived to as worse than Blair and lost. This is the evidence to say that this factor in voting behaviour has grown in recent years with the increased media focus on party leaders and the growth of presidentialism. (Lea ch 2006). Party image an image may in some ways be very close to old-fashioned ideology, repackaged for the modern world. The image will consist of a sense of what the party stand for, or which principle lie behind what it aims to achieve in power. Labour was successful under Tony Blair in putting across a clear image. It became New Labour modern and young. It was sober and sensible in economic terms, but also caring and compassionate on the social front. In 1997 and 2001 Conservatives could not shake off a negative image, old fashioned, faintly bigoted, sleazy and obsessive. In 2005 Conservatives were beginning to change their image partly because Labour was developing some of these traits itself. (Holmes 2008)

Assessing Development And Democracy In India Politics Essay

Assessing Development And Democracy In India Politics Essay A strong centred democracy has been at the heart of Indian nationalism since independence with its many languages, religions, ethnicities. In adopting the Westminster parliamentary system, India substituted the monarchy for an elected President and a legislative body consisting of a bicameral structure that includes a lower house the Lok Sabha  and  an upper house the Rajya Sabha  Ã‚  [2]  . India is now the worlds largest parliamentary democracy, some 714 million people were eligible to vote in last years election  [3]  . Members of the Lok Sabha are directly elected every five years with representation divided among Indias States, and seats apportioned  according to population. Members of the lower house the Rajya Sabha are indirectly elected by the legislative assemblies of the federal States and the President nominates twelve members to the Rajya Sabha based on distinguished reputations in the realm of the arts, sciences or public service  [4]  . The president is elected to office for a five year period by members of both houses. All citizens over the age of 18 years, regardless caste or religion are eligible to vote and turnout has stabilized at approximately 60%, which is particularly high by international standards  [5]  . Under Jawaharlal Nerhus (the first prime minster of India) nationalist ethos encompassing non alignment, socialism and secularism, the latter was the intended safe guard for religious minorities from majority rule. In an affront to the notion that democracy is a Western luxury that developing countries cannot afford  [6]  , Indias body politic has remained markedly stable since independence, a notable exception in post colonial states. It is also viewed as an anomaly because of its incredibly diversified social strata and its ability to continue functioning as a democracy (Kothari 2005). There is no distinction for basis of citizenship along ethnic, religious or caste lines nor has there been any religious qualification for holding office. There has not been any significant state intervention to abolish the caste system  [7]  , although untouchability was made illegal in the Constitution  [8]  the system has been left undisturbed. Independence and the adoption of democracy has however not resulted in any state-led political agenda of social reform, by in large society has been allowed to reform itself in a laissez faire way. A proportion of parliamentary seats and a percentage of public sector jobs were/are however reserved for members of  Other Backward Castes (OBCs), Scheduled Castes (SCs)  and  Scheduled Tribes (STs). This reserve falls under Positive Discrimination (PD)  [9]  . Bhimrao Ramji  Ambedkar (a member of the untouchable Mahar caste), provided the Dalits with their first real hope of transcending caste discrimination (Luce, 2007), ensuring that equality along caste lines was enshrined within the Constitution  [10]  . While caste disparity has not yet been alleviated in a substantial way, it has given the Dalits a feel for political mobility  [11]  . Constitutional provisions. As regards Indias post independence economic policy, it adopted a model of self-sufficiency and import substitution  [12]  . Influenced by the Soviet example of a mixed economy it turned its back on trade and foreign capital imports on the premise of being a self-sufficient industrialised nation  [13]  .This failed to take capitalize on Indias early start in modern industry  [14]  , with it rehashing many of the industries which were already in place but which, were in its view tainted by imperialism. As a result industry suffered (Bhagwati, Desai and Sen, 1997). Restrictions on interest rates, subsidies to inefficient industries, taxation on movement of agricultural commodities, and perks to labour etc., all resulted in slow growth and employment, and continued poverty and inequality. With slow growth of jobs in the private sector, government jobs became much sought after, a trend which has persisted even now (Luce, 2007). Elections then became the means to access the fruits of patronage, with plebeian groups organizing around their caste and regional identities. Thus it can be argued that the slow growth with a leaning towards elite jobs, and social conservatism has strengthened caste, regional and religious loyalties. With continued slow growth and poverty levels unabated discontent grew and protests mounted from tribal, dalit and lower caste groups, unhinging Indira Gandhi and leading to the Emergency. Amid mounting pressure over her failure to remove poverty Indira Gandhi suspended democracy in 1975 declaring a national state of emergenc y. The Emergency The mixed economy combined the worst features of capitalism and socialism (Das, 2006). Mrs. Gandhi called for a committed bureaucracy that would be openly socialist, this tainted the neutrality of the civil service and lead to a sharp increase in corruption. She was also responsible for nationalising the banks and insurance sectors, in the name of the poor she handed control of finance to an unreformed civil service. Indias banking system became wholly inefficient which drastically raised the cost of capital for everyone. At this time she also presided over unpopular large-scale sterilization as a national form of birth control and many fell victim to her large scale slum clearance programmes. The activism of associational groups during this time advances the argument that Indias civil society should be the engine for democratisation. With the Swadeshi model, Indias average per capita growth was half that of the developing world which was as a whole was almost 3% from 1950 to 1980 (D as, 2006). The protectionist and anti-foreign sentiment that drove it to the brink of bankruptcy just over a decade ago when it had only three weeks of foreign currency reserves in its coffers. Many of the leaders that ruled India after the British left in 1947, like Nehru and his daughter, Indira Gandhi, feared further influence of foreigners and established a practice of strict self-reliance, known as swadeshi. These governments subsidized many Indian industries, never allowing foreign companies to compete and thereby never allowing its own industries to excel. Such subsidies have long been a drain on the countrys economy, accounting for as much as 14 percent of its GDP. As a result of such protectionism and subsidies, many industries within India have remained stagnant. Indians are incredible farmers who could likely rival the U.S. in agricultural production. But the government doesnt allow people to own more than 18 acres. This is driving out many productive producers. The 1980s Following the election of the Janata party and the ousting of Indira Gandhi and emergency rule a new India emerged one which was no longer administered along old elite lines. Single party dominance was restored during the 1980s with the return of Congress to power. Mrs. Gandhi reinvented the Nehruvian vision maintaining the rhetoric of socialism but changing the content. Her time in office saw a relaxation of the economic self-sufficiency ethos and socialism or dirigisme was backed up by international borrowing. Economic institutions like permit-license Raj remained intact and there was no relaxation of domestic economic policy in parallel with foreign borrowing  [15]  , it did however lead to higher growth  [16]  . The Green Revolution was also now routinely yielding good harvests alleviating the necessity to import food  [17]  . With better prospects in the private sector the appeal of public sector jobs began to wane somewhat. Significantly secularism was increasingly compromised under Mrs. Gandhis populist accommodation of Hindu and Muslim orthodoxies. This created room for meeting the next explosion in subaltern demands which V P Singh tried to accommodate by undertaking to implement the Mandal recommendations. As India had not restructured its economy, its autarchic orientation continued and this meant that insufficient export income was generated to pay back the foreign debt. The economy crashed as it became unable to service its debt  [18]  . The liberalization reforms 1991 is a significant date in modern Indian history. It is difficult to gauge whether Indias political or economic conditions have changed more since that date. Under the balance-of-payments crisis of 1991, the Congress-led government pushed for greater economic transformation and reform. This heralded the end of the mixed economy, self sufficiency as a model was abandoned. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh (the then finance minister), argued that macroeconomic stabilization had to be reinforced by reforms to make the decision-making and operational environment of firms more market-based (Varshney, 2007). Indias growth and economic trajectory since the introduction of reforms is extraordinary not only because it has taken place in the context of a democracy but also in so far as it has adhered to a unique development model  [19]  . Its economy is based on domestic consumption rather than exports, is focused on services rather than low-cost manufacturing as was the case in many of the Asian Tiger economies, (despite Indias enormous low-cost labour reserve which would naturally lend itself to labour-intensive manufacturing)  [20]  . India has taken advantage of the skills of its educated middle-class in boosting its services sector which now accounts for more than half of its GDP  [21]  . In this regard the reforms have effected mainly an elite and the educated middle class. Growth hasnt been employment intensive on the whole, between 1993/94 and 2004/05 the rate of employment growth declined significantly to 1.85% from the previous 10 years when it went up a little over 2% on average. Similarly there has been a fall in the growth of real wage rates. Indias development model is now much more dependent on the corporate sector. It has been losing regulatory controls such as the license permit quota raj and has embraced international openness to a greater extent. The private sector has been the principal driver of growth. Indeed the most successful sectors have been those in which the government has been absent. Prosperous despite the state (Das) Nihelani. The economy grows while the government sleeps. With the ever increasing role of the private sector as the driver of Indian growth, there is an obvious requirement to balance the needs of the citizens with those of the private  business. The imperatives of economic liberalization and globalization require diminishing the role of government in overall national activity, posing a dilemma for New Delhi (Perkovich, 2003). While democracy provides the long-disadvantaged an opportunity to mobilize and compete for control of government, unregulated private markets do not, potentially i ntensifying political conflict (Perkovich, 2003). It is however the private sector that offer the greatest potential to create jobs and drive economic growth. Due to liberalisation, the Indian economy has improved dramatically. The reform process has registered a 6 percent average annual growth rate for nearly a quarter century Over the last three years, it has grown at over 8 percent annuallyIt is hard to escape the impression that market interests and democratic principles are uneasily aligned (Varshney, 2007). The opening up of Indias economy and the embracing of globalisation has proved irreversible  [22]  . Combined with the implementation of the recommendations of the Mandal Commission this period also heralded the demise of Congress hegemony, to the extent that coalition government has now become a pillar of Indian politics. One-party dominance is gone  [23]  . Rise of Plebeian Politics and Coalition Politics Indias body politic has moved from being dominated after independence by elite English-speaking urban, majority upper castes politicians to a now more plebeian political thrust. The social makeup of participation has moved distinctly downwards towards the rural lower castes. The turnout in villages is higher than in urban India  [24]  , the odds of a scheduled caste citizen voting were 2.3% higher than the national average. The greatest increase in voting has taken place in tribal constituencies (Varshney, 2000). In this way caste as well as religion, have materialized as the fundamental base of support in Indian politics. Caste groups are however often as bitterly divided amongst each other as much as they are with Brahmin and upper caste groupings  [25]  . OBC, SC ST parties total vote share is significantly lower than the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or Congress, but they are enough to force through concessions in coalition government. Despite the disunity of political parties it is fair to say lower-caste politics are now a permanent fixture with preserving the existing system of patronage-based subsidies being the raison dà ªtre of many lower-caste political parties (Luce, 2009). In many ways the motivation for many SC/ST parties is not to abolish caste disparity but gain leverage over each other. Despite Ambedkars call for annihilation of the caste system, it has remained, and became further entrenched. Increased competition in electoral politics in which Dalit votes make a big dif ­ference has prompted both the BJP and Congress to woo the Dalit vote  [26]  . They are a minority in every state and in most command between 10% and 20% of the vote  [27]  . Indeed Dalits have formed successful political parties, such as the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which is now in power in UP, and also have nationally known leaders, including UP Chief Minister, Mayawati, who it was suggested may even have been positioned as a potential Prime Minister  [28]  . It is fair to assert caste disparity is firmly embedded in the Indian body politic. India modernisation and liberalisation, have thus witnessed the country become less secular and more ethnically divided than before, entrenching caste and religious divisions instead of facilitating the demise of caste and communalism. India is an increasingly Hindu nationalist country as opposed to a secular socialist democratic republic. With this we have seen a clear increase in incidents of political and communal violence, most vividly played out in the caste wars in Bihar, Hindu Muslim violence in 1992/1993  [29]  and again in Gujarat in 2002  [30]  . The overarching ideology of Hindu nationalism poses a new challenge. Nehrus vision of secularism, socialism and non-alignment is now on its last legs, if not dead already, while the BJP Hindutva vision is gaining more and more momentum  [31]  . BJP vision. INDIAS DEVELOPMENT MODEL DEMOCRACY Development is by definition and practice a radical and commonly turbulent process that is concerned with far-reaching and rapid change in the structure and use of wealth, and which-to be successful it must transform. (Leftwich, 2002) Democratic politics as it is now in India is that of compromise, it is consensual, conservative and incremental in the change it brings about (Leftwich, 2002). Indias has not adopted the same development of those in its neighbourhood the Asian Tigers  [32]  . While India is a democracy the Asian tigers development all had either autocratic or very restrictive political systems in place. None of them had labour rights or labour rights were very restrictive  [33]  , free trade unions  [34]  or a free press  [35]  . It is worth noting also that unlike India on the whole the Asian Tigers have a far more homogenous population  [36]  . Some scholars argue that democracy is needed to keep a multi-ethnic, multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-religious country like India intact (Desai). Indias rapid economic growth in the context of a democracy is on the whole without parallel. Evans (2001), however warns against any assumed symbiotic relationship between democracy and human rights. While democracy can endorse equitable development, the goals of democracy and equity should be considered largely independent. Deficiencies in accountability and checks and balances have led to many democracies degenerating into havens of corruption, where the powerful always triumph  [37]  (Eapen 2004). Indeed the relationship between democracy and development is often problematic, in this sense developing countries often accuse proponents of democracy of placing the democratic cart before the economic horse (Mahbabani , 1992). Leftwich (2002) argues that democracies have great difficulty in taking rapid and far reaching steps to reduce structural inequalities in wealth, whether they be based on class, colour, ethnicity, religion or a combination of them. The objectives of competing groups in a developing country like India are often simply to capture public resources and engage in destructive types of corruption and accumulation to enrich their faction (Khan 2002). As we have seen with the upsurge in plebeian politics in India, by legitimising and intensifying contestation between essentially unproductive groups, democracy can make destructive rent-seeking worse (Khan 2002). This can also be applied to India as discussed with patronage being the rainson detre for many caste groups, and the rise of Mayawati for example, using her power to increase her own faction. Indias experience also illustrates that democracy has encumbered development in a number of ways. Short term pandering and handouts to the electorate has impeded long-term investment, particularly in physical infrastructure, which has been to the determent of Indian economic growth development  [38]  (Bardhan, 2006). To the disgruntlement of international financial institutions and credit rating agencies, Indias treasury maintains considerable budget deficits, in the certain knowledge that holding back in government spending could end a coalition(). Neither can democratic systems such as India push thru economically beneficial legislation amid rival parties jocking interests, in the way that autocratic regimes can, particularly pertinent in Indias case (). Nor does India have the option of engaging in policy experimentation open to it, in the way that China has done, as the risk of the consequences of failure at the ballet box are too great. Democratic incumbency is another significant drawback to Indian development  [39]  . Elections have become Indias institutionalized political common sense (Varshney 2005). Essentially no one party remains long enough in power to follow through on policy reform and implementation. Singh was voted out at the beginning of the Early 2000s, the BJP came in and now Singh is back and the threat of being ejected from government makes it worse. Coalition further exasperates this difficulty. The same is the case with corruption and the crime/politics nexus (Desai, 2002 Luce, 2007)  [40]  . The importance of openness in democratic politics is apparent when considering Sens argument that democracy, because it circulates information better, has been more successful in the prevention of famines in India  [41]  . The study is frequently considered in looking at the advantages of democratic systems more generally. Sen argues that democracies allow the poor to penalize or vote out governments that allow famines to occur thus placing a greater impetuous on political representatives to prevent the root cause. He also argues that democracies are better than autocracies at disseminating information from underprivileged and isolated to the central government, owing to political rights such as the freedom of the press and freedom of speech. The level of literacy is fundamental to this argument however, and literacy rates in India are relatively poor. Also highly significant is to who the journalistic discourse appeals to. In India the media generally addresses the upper class and educated middleclass, as the vast majority of the poor and most marginalized are illiterate. It can be argued too that with this same section of Indian society, whom the media primarily address are those who are reaping the rewards of Indias economic prosperity, and who are thus to a large extent placated. The discontent expressed within the media may well be falling on deaf ears  [42]  . Bhagwati (199%) reminds us that it is the views that are expressed, be they those of the rulers or the ruled that is of paramount importance over the actual freedom of the press. Conclusion India certainly affords its citizens more freedoms than China, but it is hardly a liberal democratic paradise (Crossette 2010). Democracy have been the putty that has held India together  [43]  (Desai ). It is however erroneous to equate a multi party democracy political system with high quality institutions. Politics in India has become more consensual and less elitist but at the same time more corrupt and self-serving. Coalition and patronage politics of social factions have combined to make government expenditure a variable outside political control. Castes and religious divisions are used like pawns in the electoral game. Political power is the route to the rewards of patronage for communities which have little chance in the liberal market order for economic gain. By resorting to political patronage, caste disparity has become further entrenched. No major observer denies that India is a democracy, but particularly in states like Bihar where corruption, criminality, murder, and kidnapping heavily taint the electoral process, it is an illiberal and degraded one  [44]  . The decline of secularism and socialism, the rise of liberalism and religiosity, the persistence of nationalism as a force. BJP. On the other side Congress, has pledged it will pursue inclusive growth, clarifying that inclusion will come when growth rates remain sustained at a high level and as long as it takes to make the laudable goal feasible of public expenditure on education, health and welfare. Their strategy operates on the premise that inclusion is an end goal and cannot happen simultaneously with the growth process. The worlds largest free market democracy. Indias economic growth in the context of a democracy is on the whole unprecedented. But it is increasingly questionable as to whether democracy is the variable in Indias strategy to sustain economic growth and development? Opening up to the free market has sharpened marginalisation and inequality, certainly in Indias case the structures of political power, are being propped up by corporate tycoons and powerful lobbies, the risk being this leads to the democratic political process being hijacked and corrupted. Thus the imperatives of democracy and development  require that civil society have to remain constantly alert. Very much a trickle down, rising tide lifts all boats model as opposed to a bottom-up mechanism. Only about 10 percent of Indians have benefited from all that development and progress. Indias development has no meaning for the vast majority of Indians. It is instructive to take note of the issues that the GOI attempts to deal with, the methods they use to address them and the problems they choose to ignore. Governments have chosen to consistently act with deliberation and resolve to support the cause of economic powerhouses. In many cases these have caused direct conflict with often some of the most vulnerable communities. Often the state chooses to be oblivious of the constitutional rights of these communities in its policies and their implementation. Through policies that consistently choose to represent economic interests even at the cost of constitutional rights, the democratic Indian State is losing its credibility. Indias development drive has called into question the credibility of Indian democracy. Crucially Schedler draws a distinction between electoral democracy and electoral authoritarianism based crucially on the freedom, fairness, inclusiveness, and meaningfulness of elections (Schedler, 1998 Diamond, 2002).

Human Responses to the Human Split Brain :: Biology Essays Research Papers

When neuroscientists first made direct contact with the right hemisphere of the brain, during neurological tests of "split brain" human subjects, it was as if they had found intelligent, albeit speechless, life on Mars. At a time when brain imaging techniques were crude or nonexistent, the only way to observe and communicate with the brain's right hemisphere unimpeded by the left hemisphere was by testing split brain subjects (1). The right hemisphere, previously supposed mute, illiterate, mentally retarded, and completely subordinate to the left hemisphere, had a mind of its own (1). While it could not speak, it could respond to commands and questions via its contralateral control of the left hand. It had different abilities and even opinions and emotional states than the neighboring left hemisphere (2). These discoveries led to a model of hemispheric specialization of normal human brain function, with an analytic, verbal, problem solving left hemisphere and a visuospatial, syntheti c, creative right hemisphere (1, 2). The formation of this model in turn offers insight into the brains of the observers as well as the observed. The observers' behavior supported some of their own hypotheses about the human brain, split or unsplit. The term "split-brain" is commonly used to describe a person whose corpus callosum has been surgically severed (3). The corpus callosum, comprised of approximately 200 million neuronal fibers connecting the left and right hemispheres of brain, exists only in mammals' brains, and is largest in human brains (1, 3). Until the 1960's neuroscientists were unsure what purpose the corpus callosum served (3). By observing deficits in split brains' functions, scientists could better assess the corpus callosum's function (1). Roger Sperry and his colleagues pioneered the operation severing the corpus callosum, known as callosal commisurectomy, in the 1960s, as a last ditch effort to control the seizures of life threateningly severe epilepsy by creating a fire wall to prevent electrical impulses from traveling between hemispheres (1). This treatment was successful, and after recovering from the surgery, the split-brain patients appeared normal in every day interactions and even during a routine physical exam (1). However, Sperry and his colleagues, after extensive and specific neurological tests of split brain patients, posited that the corpus callosum communicated stimuli and responses between the two hemispheres, each specialized for different cognitive functions (1). Using a tachistoscope, Sperry delivered visual stimuli to a single visual field of the subject (1). He discovered that, with the exception of olfactory stimuli, the hemispheres of the brain receive sensory stimuli and exercise motor control contralaterally (1, 3, 5).

Private Schools vs. Public Schools Essay -- Private Schools Public Sch

Parents often wonder how to start off their children’s education. Depending on ones religion or beliefs a private or public school is a choice most parents face. Of course, each school offers it’s own pros and con’s the choice is simple. Public schools offer the best well rounding of a student. While being enrolled in a public school, students are faced with real outside world problems, are with a different blend of students each year, and are also introduced to the latest technology faster. While, a public school the money is offered to them by the state easier then having donations like a private school. Ones child will most likely be with the same students throughout their educational years. Classes aren’t as big and varied like classes at public schools. While in a public schoo...

The Affirmative Action Plan

The following Affirmative Action Plan is a response by Company XYZ to a growing concern for providing equal opportunity to all prospective and current employees. XYZ is a industry leader and therefore has the express responsibility to set an example for affirmative action. In addition to a commitment to complying with all state and federal laws, XYZ is also firmly committed to a diverse workplace environment, and a workplace free of any manifestation of discrimination. XYZ is therefore dedicated to making appropriate changes to our policies and procedures wherever necessary, in order to comply with the law and to comply with our company mission. This Affirmative Action Plan is an expression of such willingness to make changes. The proposals contained herein pertain specifically to the following changes. First, we propose equal opportunities for men and women concerning maternity and paternity leaves of absence. We also want to reassure all employees that their jobs remain secure during their leaves of absence. Second, we have been increasingly aware of a lack of diversity at the upper management levels of our corporation. XYZ proposes to increase workplace diversity at this crucial level of the company by ensuring equal opportunities for promotions by women, minorities, and people with disabilities. Third, XYZ remains firmly committed to equalizing salaries, compensation rates, and benefits for all employees and XYZ will not tolerate discrepancies between the salaries of workers in the same position. This Affirmative Action Plan will not only defend our commitment to equal opportunity but will also outline the steps we propose to remedy the current situation and to increase diversity at XYZ. With regards to maternity and paternity leave, we assure all female employees that maternity leave will consist of a paid leave of absence for the duration of between twenty and thirty weeks. The leave of absence does not have to be taken in consecutive days and may be broken up into segments. Due to widespread concern, XYZ is expanding company policy to include male workers for eligibility for paternity leave. It is our belief that fathers should participate fully in every stage of their child's development and therefore XYZ wishes to facilitate this process. Any male employee who seeks paternity leave will be granted a leave of absence equal in length and equal in compensation with their female counterparts. The lack of diversity evident at upper management levels of XYZ is a growing concern among all employees. XYZ has managed to retain a diverse workforce at every other level of our operation except for upper-level management and therefore we realize the necessity for change as well as the possibility to implement change. This Affirmative Action Plan in part proposes that promotions be made with conscientious attention paid to recruiting management staff who are as of now underrepresented. Under-representation will be defined according to the workforce population as a whole, and secondarily, according to the demographics of our community. We believe that equal representation at upper management levels is of the utmost importance because of the significance of the decisions made at that level. Finally, XYZ ensures all employees that equal pay for equal work remains a top priority. While XYZ does comply with state and federal regulations regarding equal pay for equal work, we feel that far more can be done to balance out the discrepancies between compensation and benefit rates for male and female employees. Gender in particular remains a major factor determining pay rates. Again, upper-level management is the sector most affected by unequal compensation rates. This Affirmative Action Plan sets forth a guideline for easing XYZ into a salary-equity program that will result in a steady increase of pay for underpaid employees without discrimination against employees who are already earning the target salaries.

Gujarat Growth of Agriculture

Is agriculture in Gujarat on a different growth trajectory? â€Å"Agriculture is the locomotive of our economy and a prosperous rural economy based on agriculture will ultimately make the nation prosperous† Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel Gujarat has consistently attracted a substantial slice of India’s private investment, primarily in its industrial sector. This has resulted in the state accounting for about 16 percent of industrial production of India. Almost 50 percent of the country’s refined petroleum products and 45 percent of the drugs and pharmaceuticals are also accounted by the state.The state’s exports stood at 14 percent of India’s total exports, exhibiting a strong global orientation of its products. Thus, the state is often pitched as the growth engine of the country. But, how has agriculture fared as a component of this great growth story? Well, till the recent past, it had not received the attention of researchers, policy makers and writers . However, in the recent past, a spate of articles on the subject area stating the buoyancy of the agriculture sector since the year 2000, has hustled away the attention to this less researched subject.These reports suggest that agriculture sector in the state has recorded towering growth rates, virtually unchallenged by the rest of the country. Between the period 2000-01 and 2007-08, agriculture grew by a phenomenal 9. 6% per year in Gujarat, despite predominantly being arid / semi-arid. The reasons for this phenomenal agriculture growth recorded by IFPRI & IWMI1 in its report are many viz; technology supported agriculture, state initiated water conservation measures, farm extension measures etc.There are many other arguments put forward by other writers and thinkers on the subject viz; Gujarat agriculture and its cropping is less traditional and more commercial in nature, and Gujarat farmers are more commercially vigilant and have a better appreciation of the options and the prosp ects in the longer term. Yet others observe that the growth in agriculture is powered by dairy sector and its cooperatives for which the state is very profoundly known.There are also views opined that the state was the first to amend the laws governing the marketing of agricultural produce and it also opened up contract farming, thus bringing into direct play the private buyers. There are many who suggest that the state has been fortunate and is supported by factors such as good monsoon for most of the decade, increasing minimum support prices from the Centre and the spread of Bt cotton, a lucrative cash crop. But some of these benefits listed were available to other parts of the country as well and no other state could record these rates of growth consistently2.A few critics also argue that the data sourced is not reliable and yet some experts have even questioned the approach to the analysis by IFPRI3. Gulati et al (2009): Agriculture performance in Gujarat since 2000- can it be a divadandi (lighthouse) for other statesan IFPRI, Washington & IWMI, Colombo, publication 2 Ref: http://www. moneycontrol. com/news/economy/how-did-gujarat-becomefarming-paradise_447382-2. html 3 As the reference points ie; start and end years of the analysis have been abnormally bad or very good respectively making the sample biased for a fair analysis. 1 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn. com/abstract=2080876 Before getting into facts and figures, it’s important to appreciate the context of this setting; the state’s agriculture is predominantly rainfed with a cropping intensity of 115 %. 60 % of its 226 development blocks are classified as droughtprone and 9 blocks are affected by desertification. Given these facts how has the state consistently clocked such massive growth rates? This paper attempts to decipher some of these issues. The paper is divided into two parts.The first part looks at the review of the agriculture sector, its sub-sectoral growth, looki ng at the facts and figures while the later part attempts to identify key factors for growth in agriculture sector, its key drivers and also the processes that enabled that growth if any. Some facts about Gujarat agriculture The state has a total geographical area of 198 lakh ha, of which 98 lakh ha is utilized for agricultural purposes. There has not been much changes in the land area under cultivation in the recent past, though some marginal changes have been seen in the gross cultivated area.About two third of the area of the state is under semi arid or arid region. This tract receives low and uneven rainfall and is also prone to climatic hazards. The TCA (Total cropped area) in the state in 2000-01 was 98 lakh ha and the latest available statistics suggest that the TCA is 103 lakh Ha showing a marginal increase in the cultivated area. The present irrigated area is about 38 %. The state has a unique mix of crops; food grains form a mere 30 percent of the cultivated area as agains t the 62 % at the national level.Oilseeds and cotton, two major crops occupy 26 % and 16 % of the TCA as of 2002-03. Pulses occupied about 10 % of the cropped area, while spices, fruits and vegetables accounted for 2 % of the cropped area of the state. The average operational holdings in Gujarat is about 2. 34 ha, which was higher than the national level averages. The number of operational holdings has actually increased from 35. 2 lakh (1990-91) to 41. 5 lakh holdings. The state also has certain unique advantages in agriculture, as there are 8 agro-climatic zones that provide suitable environment for growing a wide variety of crops.High value non-food grain crops, offering opportunities for value addition, dominate agriculture in Gujarat. Of the total workforce in the state agriculture labour constituted 69 % in 1981 ,which significantly came down to 52 %. State GSDP and agriculture The total GSDP for the state has been clocking sound growth rates, the secondary and tertiary sector , has recorded higher growth rates, when compared with agriculture. The performance of the agriculture is also higher when compared to other states but formed 14. 5 % of the total GSDP in 1999-00.However, there has been fluctuations in agriculture production over the years, the latest available figures for 2008-09 shows a decline in the agri share of 2 Electronic copy available at: http://ssrn. com/abstract=2080876 GSDP to 12. 5 % . The GSDP in quantum terms is presented in the following diagram: Contribution of Agri. to State GSDP (Rs. Lakh) 300000 250000 200000 150000 173654 100000 109861 140598 153079 189436 213092 228459 50000 25035 23222 28577 27815 32408 28506 15975 0 1999-2000 2003-04 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09Agriculture (including AH) Total GSDP The relative growth rates for primary, secondary and tertiary sector for the last 10 years recorded in the state of Gujarat is presented in the Annexure1. The average annual growth rate of agri GSDP for the state and al l India is presented below in the following table. Agri Sector / year 1980-81- 1991-92 Rate of growth Average annual CV 1992-93– 1999-00 Average annual CV 2000-01- 2006-07 Average annual CV Source: Gulati et al (2009) ibid Gujarat 6. 6 7. 4 6. 9 4. 3 9. 6 2. 2 All India 3. 8 1. 5 3. 8 1. 5 2. 7 2. 1The Co-efficient of variation (CV) recorded for agri GSDP growth rates in the state in the initial decades (1980-90) is rather high (pl see above Table), while it has shown a substantial fall in the 2000-01 to 2006-07 period. Thus, there is a clear indication of the volatility in agricultural production has been controlled significantly. In an independent study on Gujarat agriculture undertaken by IIM-A4 over a period of five decades has indicated that agriculture in Gujarat has been positive and consistent for the past two decades. However, a significant acceleration has been noticed during the last decade.The statistically analyzed study states that agriculture that turned around first (in 2001-02) and then rest of the economy thereafter (in 2002-03). Study also quotes that the terms of trade for 4 Dholakia, R & Datta, S (2010); High growth trajectory and structural changes in Gujarat agriculture, IIM publication 3 agriculture in relation to non-agriculture sector played a major role in incentivising growth in agriculture. Irrigation Gujarat is a water deficit state with 70 percent of its geographical area classified as semi-arid and arid land types.The ultimate irrigation potential of the State from Ground Water and surface water is assessed at 64. 88 lakhs ha, out of which the ultimate irrigation potential through surface water as per the latest estimate is assessed at 39. 40 lakh hectares, which includes 17. 92 lakh ha to be irrigated through Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP). Thus, of total gross irrigated area, about 17 percent is irrigated by canals and 82 percent by privately owned tube and other wells; thus agriculture ( irrigated) in Gujarat depends pre dominantly on ground water. Source of irrigation, 00†² Ha -Gujarat (2004) 27,364(80. %) 30,000 25,000 20,000 15,000 10,000 5,000 0 Canals Wells / Tubewells Tanks Other sources 5,997(17. 7) 262 (0. 7%) 252 (0. 7%) At present Gujarat has about 17 major irrigation projects and 169 medium irrigation schemes across various talukas; plan outlay for 2008/09 for major and medium irrigation projects was Rs. 1146 crores. The largest of all these is the Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP). According to the corporation the main canal is about 458 km long up to the Gujarat-Rajasthan border and is almost complete with water running into Rajasthan. The designed discharge capacity is 40000 cusecs at the head reach.The total Command Area of the SSP is 18 lakh ha, covering around 3112 villages in Gujarat, of which only 3 lakh ha is said to be complete. Another issue, which has been unique to Gujarat, has been the issue of salinity ingress (1. 2 lakh ha) affecting the coastal districts and Kutch, due to seepage of seawater. There are a few initiatives taken with the funding support of NABARD to address the issue and stop further salinity ingress. Thus, the scarcity of water was so profound, which had triggered people’s movements for water conservation. There are documented evidences of such 4 eople–led initiatives in the Saurashtra region. However, this was translated into a mass movement with the government announcing the Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Project in 2000 for the construction of water harvesting and ground water recharge structures like check dams, boribunds, village and farm ponds (khet talavadis) under a 60:40 scheme in which government contributed 60% of the cost while the farming communities contributed 40%. However, the real push is said to have triggered after the drought of 2002, when this process gained momentum.It has been a roaring success and stories abound of conversion of barren lands into fertile farms, rising yields and fal ling costs of cultivation across the state. The tangible result of this initiative is visible from the condition of the ground water development blocks in the state. Irrigation blocks 2002 Irrigation Blocks 2007 Over Exploited 14% Over Exploit ed 1 2% Crit ical 2% Critical 6% Safe 43% Semi crit ical 1 2% Saline 6% Saf e 68% Semi critical 31% Saline 6% These developments have increased water supply for agriculture either directly by supplying water for irrigation or indirectly by recharging ground water levels.Before the start of this movement only about 43 percent of the blocks were considered as safe and 37 percent of the blocks were critical or semi-critical. However, after a span of 5 years, in 2007, the groundwater assessment indicated that percent share of safe blocks rose to 68 percent and critical and semi-critical blocks were a mere 18 percent. It’s also informally understood that ground water level has increased by 3-5 meters in Saurashtra and Kutch regions5. Indepen dent assessments by other International agencies like IWMI6 have also shown very positive impact of this initiative.But apart from increasing water supply, there have been other efforts by the state government to regulate water use for agriculture and also conserve the harvested water and minimize wastage and thus increase efficiency. Two such initiatives of the state government were introduction of micro irrigation systems like drip irrigation and ensure adequate propaganda for the same through an exclusive government promoted company GGRC (Gujarat Green Revolution Company). The other initiative has been 5 6 Discussions with Director of Agriculture, GOG Shah, T et al (2008): Secret of Gujarat’s agrarian miracle after 2000.Economic and political weekly Vol: 44 Issue: 52 pp: 45-55 5 Joytigram project for provision of separate electricity feeder lines for agriculture purpose, thus regulating and monitoring its use. The government has also initiated about 1918 watershed-based pr ogrammes (since inception, covering schemes like DDP, DPAP and IWDP for drought proofing, environment protection and employment generation) covering about 19. 65 lakh ha; NABARD has also supported some of these endeavors. Thus, the watershed-based approaches cover about 20 % of the cultivated area of the state.More details of water conservation measures have been provided in the later part of this write up. Based on data released by Directorate of Economics and Statistics, gross irrigated area increased from around 37 (1999-00) to 44 lakh ha (2006-07) – an increase of 16. 9 percent. Further, the total irrigated area under all crops has grown at 4. 4 percent per annum from 2000-01 to 2006-07, and at 6. 3 percent per annum from 2002-03 to 2006-07. Crop patterns Since, 1960-62 the area under food crops in Gujarat was only 47 percent of its GCA, which gradually came down to 38 percent in 2008.Though the net sown area has not shown much changes, but the availability of irrigation water did increase Rabi coverage in Saurashtra, kutch and north Gujarat. The reports suggest about 6-8 lakh ha of additional area being brought under Rabi in the recent past. This is also evident from increase in cropping intensity by about 4-5 percent in the last decade. Gujarat State : Gross Cropped & Gross Irrigated Area (‘000 Hect. ) 16000 14000 12000 10000 10995. 5 10634. 8 8000 10745. 9 10497 10791 10630. 7 11421 11256. 9 6000 4000 4111. 2 4279. 5 2000 2334. 4 2910. 5 3499. 4 3342. 1 3572. 8 3637 1980-81 1990-91 1995-96 2000-01 2001-02 2002-03 2003-2004 2004-2005 Gross Irrigated Area Gross Cropped Area A comparison of GCA to Gross Irrigated Area (GIA), indicates a shifting trend; in 1980-81 only 22 percent of the GCA was irrigated and it increased by 5 % to 27 percent in 1990-91, however, subsequently increased to 38 percent in 2004-05. The crop patterns indicate that cotton; oilseeds like groundnut, followed by cereals formed the major crops in the state. However, there has been clear 6 switch in the cropping patterns, while area under rice has remained stagnant, but the area under another cereal crop wheat increased from 3. 2 percent in 196061 to 9. 67 percent in 2007-08, partly because of the availability of water. Amongst cereals sharpest decline in area has been reported for jowar from 13. 17 percent in 1960-91 to 1. 22 percent in 2007-08. Shift from jowar/bajra to Wheat 000 Ha 1400 1200 1274 1154 1162 1158 1129 1161 1072 1016 946 926 922 1091 1000 800 859 734 755 703 600 518 400 442 358 304 479 200 241 222 212 166 161 2004-2005 129 2005-2006 147 2006-2007 174 128 2007-2008 2008-2009 0 1999-2000 2000-2001 2001-2002 2002-2003 2003-2004 Jowar Bajra WheatThe percentage area under oilseeds has slightly improved from 24 percent of GCA to 26. 17 percent in 2007-08. Groundnut which is considered as one of the most sensitive crops to moisture stress has shown a marginal decline from 22 percent of GCA to 17 percent . However, other oilseeds crops like castor , sesamum and rapeseed have made substantial gains during this period. Cotton, one of the predominant crops, which had 17. 56 percent coverage of the GCA in the state in 1960-61, further increased its coverage to 20. 54 percent of the GCA. Thus, there are clear trends in crop pattern changes in the state.Production and productivity of crops As indicated earlier, Gujarat agriculture is known for its volatile fluctuations in production and productivity. However, the Coefficient of variation has been drastically reduced in the recent years. The area, production and productivity (APY) of two categories of crops viz, food grains, oilseeds and cotton for the last 10 years are presented below in graphical format. The trends does indicate that : o Sharp decline in production and productivity in all crops during 2002-03 caused by the drought during the period. This is more profound in oilseeds and cotton. The decline was sharpest in case of oilseeds. Amongst the food grains, two princ ipal crops viz; wheat and rice exhibited sharp increase in productivity. Food grains have not exhibited any 7 increase in area, coverage; but production increases in wheat has been largely due to increased rabi coverage. Gujarat State : A P Y patterns for Food Grains 9000 8206 8000 7000 6737 6000 5254 5588 5000 4438 3718 3999 3000 3185 3861 3769 4395 6345 5882 6345 4000 4481 4209 3984 4188 3845 3983 2000 1601 1000 1361 1110 857 0 1999-2000 2000-2001 2001-2002 2002-2003 2003-2004 2004-2005 2005-2006 2006-2007 2007-2008 2008-2009 1166 1650 1403 1404 1831 1593 Area (‘000 Hec. )Production (‘000 tons) Productivity ( Kg/hec) Gujarat State : A P Y patterns for Oilseeds 7000 6000 5850 5000 4657 4699 4000 3932 3747 2930 3000 2864 2000 1826 2861 1738 2861 2900 1878 1905 1572 1000 638 0 1999-2000 2000-2001 2001-2002 2002-2003 Area (‘000 Hec. ) 2003-2004 2004-2005 2005-2006 Productivity ( Kg/hec) 607 1309 979 648 3071 2994 2962 3020 2856 2852 2874 1648 1368 1057 2006-2007 2007 -2008 2008-2009 Production (‘000 tons) Gujarat State : A P Y patterns of Cotton 9000 8276 8000 6872 7876 7014 7000 5903 6000 5000 4280 4000 3000 2146 2000 1611 1000 226 0 1999-2000 2000-2001 2001-2002 2002-2003 Area (‘000 Hec. 2003-2004 2004-2005 2005-2006 Productivity ( Kg/hec) 2006-2007 2007-2008 2008-2009 130 165 191 1282. 6 1675 1684. 6 1737. 2 1883. 9 1673. 4 1695 429 1920 523 2011 581 564 581 507 2372 2422 2354 Production (‘000 bales) 8 ? ? However, the coverage of the low value kharif crops like bajra has seen a switchover to other higher value kharif crops viz; cotton/ hybrid maize. No significant changes in area has been noticed in respect of oilseeds, while its productivity has increased, mainly because of the crop changes / switches to high productivity crops like castor.Further the oilseeds production patterns have shown significantly wide fluctuations because of its sensitivity to water availability. o The most significant increase in the production pa tterns has been noticed in respect of cotton since the year 2002-03. The GOI had allowed production of genetically modified Bt cotton for three years from April 2002. The productivity of cotton per ha also increased from 191 kg / ha in 2002-03 to 581 kg/ha in 2007-08, mainly because of the introduction of Bt cotton. Gujarat is also said to have highest number of cotton growers (14 lakh ). In 2000-01 the state produced about 16. percent of India’s total cotton production, by 2007-08 it is said to have increased to around 35. 5 per cent of the total cotton output. According to estimates, the area under Bt cotton in India is about 76 lakh ha , which is about 80 percent of the total area under cotton in the country. As of 2008, the area under Bt cotton is the highest in Maharastra followed by Gujarat and Andhra Pradesh. Gujarat however, has the advantage of having maximum no. of seed companies which also produce Bt, hybrid seeds locally. Other important crops & crop diversificati on Gujarat farmers are known for their preference for high value commercial crops.This is evident from the recent efforts at crop diversification. One of the key reasons for this crop change has been availability of water. Fruits, which formed around 1 lakh ha in 1991-92, almost tripled and formed about 3. 39 lakh ha in 2008-09. 160 150 140 144. 74 130 120 110 100 90 80 70 60 Area (lakh Ha), Production (Lakh Tonne) of Horticulture crops 138. 03 (includes Fruits, vegetables, spices, flowers) Area Production 121. 04 115. 46 93. 48 85. 44 67. 16 60. 98 50 40 30 20 10 0 2001-02 2002-03 2003-04 2004-05 2005-06 2006-07 2007-08 2008-09 6. 91 7. 4 9. 47 9. 69 11. 03 11. 24 12. 46 13. 12 9 The fruit production increased from 18 lakh mt to 60 lakh mt in the same period, the major crops mango, banana and sapota. Similarly vegetables, which formed about 98,000 ha in 1991-92 it, quadrupled to 3. 95 lakh ha in 2008-09. Similar trend has been noticed for spices also. Availability of water for irri gation, better extension services and incentivisation through effective subsidies have all played a clear role for fuelling growth and crop diversification like Bt Cotton initially, followed by horticulture crops.The State government has made it mandatory to use tissue cultured plantlets, drip irrigation with fertigation, and mulching as mandatory ingredients for availing subsidy under its state Horticulture Mission programmes. The focus of the horticulture expansion has been chiefly in the southern districts of the state, where many cooperatives in the region have tie up with producers for collection, marketing of the produce. Though one has seen the entry of corporates for procurement and contract farming etc, but such farming and retail marketing is yet to make a significant dent.The shift to Bt cotton is not limited to the Saurashtra region and is also visible in other parts of the state. However, the changes in oil seed crops from groundnut to other crops like castor is mainly noticed in northern Gujarat. Seeds Seed is the basic input in agriculture and has been critical in harnessing the full potential. Non-replacement of seeds due to non-availability or inaccessibility results in farmers sowing homegrown seeds. Thus it is important to achieve the threshold level of Seed Replacement Rate (SRR). Govt. f Gujarat has set a target SRR of 25%, 35% and 100% in respect of self-pollinated (except ground nut), cross-pollinated and hybrid crops respectively. This aspect has been eloquently covered during the Krishi Mahotsavs being organized by the state Government. Also minikits containing small quantities of seeds, free of cost, are being distributed as a part of National Food Security Mission (NFSM) during the Krishi mahotsavs. It may be added that the SRR reported in the state is much favorable than the national level figures.However, the seed requirements of the farmers are met out through both the Public sector (Gujarat State Seed Corporation- GSSCL) and the private sector seed companies. The GSSCL has steadily increased its coverage and enlisted the support of 8000 seed growers and seed production is undertaken in 14,500 ha of land. The seeds are marketed under the brand name â€Å"Gurbani†. The GSSCL is estimated to meet 35 percent of the seed requirement for wheat , paddy , groundnut and pulse. However, the Private seed companies have brought in new technology for several crops, ranging from bajra to castor, but above all in Bt cotton.More than 20 Bt cotton varieties are now produced by 30 odd seed companies. This is despite the fact that the first cotton hybrid in the world – H4 was introduced in 1970 by the government Cotton Research Station situated at Surat. This hybrid cotton by virtue of its high yield potential and adaptability became popular among the farmers initially in Gujarat. There are large number of Hybrids in cotton and Bt Hybrids, which is being marketed by the seed companies in the state. 10 Fertilizer State government through the issue of Soil health cards in the Krishi Mahotsavs has addressed the daunting task of ensuring balanced use of fertilizers.The Government of Gujarat has issued more than 17 lakh cards in the last 4 years, and has been able to marginally address the issue of balanced use of fertilizers. The records suggest that the trend in fertilizer consumption (NPK ratio) which was 7. 84: 3. 08: 1. 00 has now marginally changed to 5. 87:2. 55:1. 00 in 2008-09. With the presence of number of fertilizer companies, the per ha consumption of fertilizers in the state has been consistently higher than the national average.Extension services The State Agricultural Department along with four Agricultural Universities (Banaskantha, Anand, Navsari and Dantewada) and Krishi Vigyan Kendras (KVKs) are actively involved in extension services which interalia includes organizing the unique krishi mahotsavs, which is described in the later part of this report. Credit Credit and its ti mely availability to the farming community is an essential ingredient for growth. Credit disbursements for agricultural purposes have shown sharp growth rates in tune with the policy prescriptions both at the national and the state level.The CAGR for agricultural credit for the national and state level figures have been very similar. The agriculture credit disbursed in Gujarat state formed about 5. 3 percent of the all India figures for the year 2000-01 and also in 2009-10; but in the interim the percent share marginally slipped to sub 5 percent; ranging between 4. 4 to 4. 8 percent during the 2005-2009 period. Agri Credit (Rs Cr) 400000 350000 300000 250000 200000 150000 125309 229400 180485 All India Gujarat 254658 301908 366,900 100000 50000 0 52827 2824 62045 3446 69560 3931 86891 4517 6091 7936 10027 12129 13567 19533 001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Thus, the relationship of agri credit on agri GDP growth in the instant case cannot be clearly established; as si milar credit expansion in other states have not translated to high GDP growth rates elsewhere. But, some of the recent 11 interventions of the GoI viz; revamping the cooperative credit institutions in the state, ADWDR-2008, interest subventions could have positively impacted off take of agri credit and facilitated cheaper sources funds for the agrarian community, especially for marginal groups like small / marginal farmers.But, conversely it provokes one to question whether credit-led solutions are needed for all agrarian issues, especially after the efforts in the past to double credit flow. There are also other moot points to consider especially when monocropped areas viz; is increased indebtedness a solution especially in a drought year, when water the key input for farming is rather scarce? Should not these issues be addressed first, rather than facilitating a credit guzzle, which are often said to palliative solutions!!Crop insurance Crop insurance services are offered to the f armers for better production of crops, introduction of modern technologies and above all to mitigate the likely risk that the farmers could face. The coverage of farmers under the crop insurance and area covered under insurance have both shown a partial decline over the years, while the sum assured have shown a variation with an upward trend in the last year. 120. 0 108. 4 100. 0 88. 4 80. 0 60. 0 40. 0 20. 0 0. 0 1 2 3 Farmers (lak) 4 5 Area(L Ha). 6 7 Premium cr 8 9 24. 8 12. 8 23. 2 12. 0 22. 2 10. 4 22. 2 10. 7 25. 5 8. 9 19. 0 8. 8 17. 7 8. 4 18. 5 8. 3 20. 9. 5 74. 2 99. 4 85. 3 82. 9 82. 1 84. 0 105. 8 Crop Insurance Coverage (2001-09) The decline in crop insurance coverage could be partially because of the farmer’s disinclination to cover cotton crop, carrying higher premiums or increased water availability, which could have dissuaded farmers from opting for risk mitigation tools. However, no specific conclusions can be drawn on the relationship of crop insurance cove rage and agri GDP growth rates in the state. 12 Livestock and dairy Milk is the largest product forming about 89 percent of the total value of livestock and total output of agriculture and allied activities.The dairy industry received a boost after the â€Å"operation flood† programme launched by the NDDB few decades back. Milk production in the state grew at an annual compounded growth rate of over 5 percent compared to the national average of 3. 9 percent during the current decade. However, the share of livestock and animal husbandry in the agri GSDP of the state has been fluctuating between 22- 28 range in the last decade with a marginal dip in the last few years. In value terms it has increased from Rs 5725 cr ( 1999-00) to Rs 14733 crore in 2007-087.S ha r e o f a gr i a nd A H i n A gr i ‘ s c ont r i but i on t o GS D P 10 0 % 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% 20% 25% 10 % 0% 19 9 9 – 2 0 0 0 2000- 2001 2 0 0 1- 2 0 0 2 2002- 2003 2003- 2004 2004- 2005 2005- 200 6 2006- 2007 2007- 2008 27% 27% 28% 22% 26% 22% 23% 23% %ge A H t o t ot a l GS D P %ge A gr i t o t ot a l GS D P There are a number of recent initiatives that have been taken by the government to give a boost to the sector, besides increasing the budgetary allocation for animal husbandry and dairy development from Rs 20. 5 crore in 2004-05 to 95. 6 crore in 2008-09 , (which is a 4. times jump in the allocation), there has been a focus in provision of extension services. Though extension services have normally not received much attention for the sector, the krishi Mahotsav of the state give due importance to this aspect during the one month mass contact programme. Kits and medicines are also distributed during these krishi mahotsavs. There are two other noticeable initiatives which the state government has recently taken viz; mobile veterinary vans; it has converted 120 of its 1250 veterinary hospitals to mobile vet vans, which visit villages during specialized time schedules.The v eterinary hospitals established in the outskirts of the city area many years back have become unsuitable and inconvenient for farmers to visit and hence the new initiative. The response from the farmers is understood to be very satisfying. 7 Government of Gujarat, Directorate of animal husbandry, 26 th survey report. 13 Secondly inorder to address the livestock farmers need of post monsoon seasons, when the disease incidence is high, the department has initiated the process of conducting health camps during the sept – oct periods.About 3000 such health camps have been planned during the year. Some of the of the recent initiatives like cattle breeding have seen a spurt in Cross Bred cows and buffalo population in the state; these actions are expected to yield substantial gains in the ensuing years. Further, the diary cooperatives, which were active in the south, mid and northern Guajrat are now taking, shape in Saurashtra and Kutch regions. These initiatives are expected to su bstantially contribute to agri GDP growth in the state in future.Fisheries With a vast coastline spanning over 1,600 kms, fisheries forms an important sub component of the agriculture sector of the state. There are around 117 fish landing sites in the state and part of the production is also exported. The total production (marine fish), which was 5. 84 lakh tones, in 2004-05 has increased to 6. 83 lakh tones in 2008-09 ie; recording a 17 % growth rate in 4 years. Thus, the annual growth rates recorded are lower than the sector as a whole. Much of the existing potential in the state for marine and inland fisheries is yet to be tapped.Other support services which could have enabled agriculture growth Insufficient rainfall and vast regional variations in precipitation is almost a permanent feature of Gujarat, though a few exceptions have been noticed in recent past. This has often led to lack of quality drinking water in around 8,000 out of total 30,000 habitations; the issue is furthe r compounded by the concern due to fluoride, salinity, nitrates etc. This is particularly critical because of 75 percent of drinking water and other domestic need was earlier dependent on ground water.The recent state government initiative of implementing Sardar Sarovar Canal based drinking water supply project based on Narmada has served as a boon for the people of Gujarat . As per the latest available information 8215 villages and 135 towns of North Gujarat, Saurashtra and Kutch districts are being covered under the project. Under this project, water is being transported through bulk water transmission lines and distribution network to the doorsteps of villages and towns. Part of this drinking water supply project is being implemented through WASMO, which is being funded by NABARD under RIDF.The impact of the programme has been good and quality water availability has led to economic and social empowerment of marginalized people/ segment of society, especially women. Rural connecti vity is another critical area, which has also directly influenced steep growth rates in the agriculture. In Gujarat, the rural road connectivity is 14 stated to be very good with about 98. 5 percent of the 18,000 odd villages having good road connectivity. Gujarat has been one of the first states to amend its APMC Act and also articulate the contract farming guidelines.The amendment was expected to create conditions conducive for the spread of contract farming. The government also encouraged large corporates to establish retail chains and source their requirements directly from farmers, but there has been no deluge of any kind, the state government also announced to provide subsidy for setting up low cost green houses etc The farmers in the state have also effectively used some of the GoI schemes available, for building and strengthening the agri infrastructure in the state.One stand out example has been rural godowns. Since the inception of the scheme a few years back, about 5400 g odowns have been constructed in the state with a capacity of 16. 84 lakh tones. The scheme is administered through NABARD /NCDC and most of these structures are of smaller capacities and in rural hinterlands. Based on this analysis and assessment of facts and figures, four key drivers, which facilitated the massive push for agriculture growth in the state, have been shortlisted in the following pages.An attempt has also been made to catalog & assess the actions & processes that served the cause. These have been crystallized based on the documents available to the author (though not explicitly mentioned) and also based on the interfaces that the author had with the stakeholders of the programme in the state. 15 Key driver 1 Water availability Key driver 2 Power availability Key driver 3 Extension/ access to info Key driver 4 Crop diversification Driver 1 : Water harvesting followed by water conservation- starting where it needs to start !Water supply is the key to crop production and agriculture. The positive impact of irrigation on agricultural intensification and increased crop yield has been very well documented by various studies. Several irrigation impact related case studies in India have illustrated that irrigation management has a profound role to play in the poverty alleviation process as well8. The marginal returns of irrigation versus other factor inputs such as, farm technology and other rural infrastructure development are still a controversial issue in rural development literature.At first glance, the agricultural marvel in Gujarat seems to 960 804 have been supported by 647 factors such as good monsoon for most of the present decade, especially 2001- 2002- 2003- 2004- 2005- 2006- 2007- 2008after the drought in 2001-02. 02 03 04 05 06 07 08 09 YEAR The drought situation in early part of the decade had ushered in community led initiatives to save water, especially in Kutch, Saurashtra and the northern Gujarat areas of the state.Although many focus on the Sardar Sarovar Project, its canal network etc as the key to domestic and irrigation success in the state , its is awfully incomplete, and currently irrigates only 3 lakh ha. With almost 81 percent of the irrigation source coming in from ground water sources, it became a critical area of management. However, with groundwater extraction more than the estimated recharge, it was evident with substantial lowering of water tables levels in Saurashtra, Kutch and Northern Gujarat areas.In the mid90s, large parts of Saurashtra used to get water through train tankers from waterabundant areas of central and south Gujarat. The coastal Saurashtra & kutch had also witnessed another issue with consequential effect of excessive ground water extraction, which had resulted in lateral; sub-surface intrusion of sea water which has affected coastal areas accounting to salinity. 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 1288 1291 2008-09 960 RAINFALL IN MM 1034 1178 947 Thus, the scarcity of water was so p rofound and felt, that had triggered people’s movement for water conservation.One such was the check dam revolution in 1999 by Mansukh Suvagiya, a Rajkot-based social worker in Jhamka village of Junagadh where the villagers collected money and constructed 52 check dams in a span of two months on small rivulets in and around the village. Today, Jhamka is a symbol of water and agro self-sufficiency. In the same year, the Saurashtra 8 Chambers, Robert, 1998. Managing Canal Irrigation: Practical Analysis from South Asia. Oxford & IBH Publishing Company, New Delhi, India. 16 Jaldhara Trust, built 213 check dams on rivulets in and around Khopala near Bhavnagar to turn the village's fortune.Thus, the drought of 2001-02, served as a turning point for large scale Government participation in innovative management of its groundwater resources which was taken on a massive measure. The success of the earlier people & NGO led initiatives served as a testimony to such efforts. The state ado pted a combination of rainwater harvesting – that traps water that would otherwise drain away followed by water conservation by use of micro irrigation – that supplies each drop of water more efficiently and directly to the plant.Thus, the water harvesting campaign â€Å"Jal Sanchay Abhiyan† was intended to inspire the farmers of the State to maximise agricultural production at minimum cost. The movement has been a roaring success and stories abound of conversion of barren lands into fertile farms, rising yields and falling costs of cultivation across the state. â€Å"To get something from mother earth you have to give something back. If you don't, it will stop giving you. It can't be a one-way cycle,†Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. Chief Minster, Modi told the farmers.Though the state Land Development Corporation implements most of the soil and water conservation activities, in the instant case the work was also entrusted to rural development, agriculture and irrigation depar tments also. The main objective was to harvest rain water through soil and moisture conservation activities of cultivable as well as uncultivable land. The structures/ works include check dams, nala plugs, boribunds, loose boulder structure and gully control measures were made to enable in situ harvest of water.Thus, the programme was initiated as a people participative programme and was launched after detailed discussion with farmers / beneficiaries in the year 2000. Most of these blocks where the campaign got well entrenched were in Saurashtra and Kutch where the farmers and the government together have started a unique check dam revolution. State Government has launched another specialised (Sujalam Sufalam Yojana) in the ten worst affected districts of Gujarat to solve water problem caused due to excessive ground water extraction in the region. Most of the area of the 10 districts is now anked over exploited and included in the dark category. New tube wells are already banned in these areas since December 2003. (NABARD has also supported the scheme in the year 2004-05 which was effectively implemented in the allocated time period. ) The government had also made use of the imaging facilities to identify the areas where these water conservation devices were to be constructed. In the state as a whole, by December 2008, nearly 5,00,000 structures were created – 1,13,738 check dams, 55,917 bori bandhs, 2,40,199 farm ponds, besides 62,532 large and small check dams constructed– all in a campaign mode.The changes are less evident in north Gujarat where the topography for building check dams is not conducive. The government’s next focus was on water conservation through micro-irrigation systems. In 2003, the Gujarat Government launched the Gujarat Green Revolution Company to propagate sprinkler and drip irrigation technology among farmers by giving them hefty incentives. First, it made the subsidy for micro irrigation available to all farmers, not just the poor ones. The initial investment to 17 install such micro irrigation was high and prohibitive and therefore poor farmers were hesitant to make that investment.But for the large farmers the subsidy made it a compelling proposition and they actively participated. This in fact is said to have triggered the poor farmers to join in. Another unique aspect is the transparent and clear norms articulated by GGRC for subsidy scheme. It not only ensured clear product standards for the companies selling micro-irrigation system but also ensured that the companies didn’t sell pipes and move on. There was a clear condition that the companies should also provide extension services to the farmers for minimum period of time.To ensure compliance, it introduced a series of norms – like how many agronomists must be employed for a given expanse of land, how many field visits the experts must make and even the price at which the systems could be sold. Besides, this allowing all registered companies (with GGRC) to provide microirrigation system to farmers, it had also widened the choice for the farming community. What has been impact of these initiatives? It is stated that the availability of the water increased substantially in the water scare areas.The farmers it was understood could now ensure to life saving irrigation to failing crops. An independent assessment by (Shah, et al, 2009) is summarized below: 18 Analysis by the author, clearly explains the unprecedented dynamism shown by Saurastra and Kutch , and North Gujarat in agricultural performance. The availability of water has essentially triggered increased crop cultivation, visible by increased Gross Cropped Areas (GCA) in these areas. This has also resulted in switch to better crop choices in these areas primarily for Bt cotton (described in greater detail in other part of this report).Thus, a succession of good monsoons, investment in groundwater recharge and other support measures like – improved quality of power, resulted a remarkable change in agricultural production in the previously water scarce areas. A similar observation has also been made by IIMA in its study. Thus, â€Å"Gujarat has set the finest example of groundwater management through indigenous and modern methods and through people's participation,† 19 Key driver 1 Water availability Key driver 2 Power availability Key driver 3 Extension/ access to info Key driver 4 Crop diversificationDriver 2 : Rural electrification with an innovative approach (Joytigram Yojana) Power supply is often said to be a tinderbox issue; 100 % electrification does not translate to light in every house and if there is electrical connection in the house it does not translate into 24*7electricity9. Like elsewhere in India, unreliable farm power supply has been anathema for farmers and the rural society. In Gujarat, uncontrolled farm power subsidies led to unsustainable increase in groundwater withdrawals and left the Gu jarat Electricity Board (GEB) nearly bankrupt.Because farmers were getting subsidised power, they had little incentive to save on its use or keep pumps in good order to lower power consumption. As a result, much power was wasted. Also, power theft was widely prevalent. Further, farmers faced the problem of low-voltage power that helped nobody. In 2003, the Government of Gujarat introduced the Joytigram Yojana to improve rural power supply, through an innovative approach and thus streamlined the supply of electricity to water pumps.Traditionally the transmission system from power plant to ultimate users is through a single unit, however, under the new scheme the state government split the power supply chain viz; by constructing a new parallel transmission system, by which it could intelligently allocate power supply to farmers. Accordingly, for the first time farmers in Gujarat received 8 hours of electricity of guaranteed voltage and pre-fixed timings, whereas previously they receiv ed 13-14 hours of irregular and unreliable supply.This ensured that farmers could use the pumps only for a limited time and had to make the most of it. As irrigation in Gujarat state is largely by ground water sources, the earlier approach of erratic and intermittent power, warranted over use of pumpsets by farmers, resulting in lifting water much more than the crop requirements and consequent wastage of water. With more assured and regulated power supply, the farmers found they could not make unauthorized use of power; and initially disliked the effective rationing system.But on the flip side they enjoyed largely uninterrupted power supply at full voltage along a strictly adhered schedule10. Thus, the Joytigram Yojana, is said to have pioneered a real-time co-management of electricity and groundwater for agriculture. . Farmers were also happy that they were spared of the very high repair and maintenance cost that poor and erratic power supply imposed on them. Subsequently most farm ers welcomed Joytigram for limiting competitive pumping of water and addressing the common property externality inherent in groundwater irrigation2.Ground water and power rationing through the Joytigram scheme not only increased efficiency of water and power utilization for 9 Devika, D (2010), Government of Gujarat: Joytigram yojana Verma, S & Shah, T (2008), Co-management of electricity and ground water Economic and Political Weekly Vol: 43 Issue: 7 pp: 59-66 10 20 agriculture, but it also frees up these resources for the rural nonfarm economy to grow. However, the new parallel feeder lines all came at a cost of Rs 1290 crore, to the exchequer.However, its quick implementation in just 1000 days enabled installation of 56,307 kms of high tension wires and 18,724 transformers to each of the 18,000 villages in the state. Conventional Way Single feeder Joytigram Yojana Separate feeders Agriculture and Domestic Agriculture 3 Phase, 8 hours Domestic single phase 24 Hours Impact Majority power drawn for agriculture Crippling shortage in the domestic sector Quality of the power poor, cases of damages to farmers pump sets etc Impact Farmers get continuous and good quality power at pre-announced schedules Domestic gets 24 hours uninterrupted power supply – Infact special feeders were also effectively crafted (Specially Designed Transformers) to supply power to farmers residing in scattered farm houses. The average expenditure per village is a mere Rs. 6. 72 Lacs. A study undertaken by IRMA indicates many 56,307 kms positive features and 22,146 kms impact of the scheme, 18,724 nos which interalia includes 17,00,000 1,888 increase in employment, Rs 1290 crore decrease in migration by Rs 1115 crore 33 %, reduction in school 1000 absenteeism and average duration of study by school students increasing by 80-90 %.The study also indicates the positive impact of power availability on rural industries, which has enabled 53 % of the families in rural areas to work during night times, increased momentum in industrial activities such as diamond polishing, agro processing etc. The project is also indicated to have decreased the time taken by women on household chores by 26 % and also enhanced their leisure, entertainment and education substantially.Work executed under the Yojana : (Source: GOG) New high tension lines New low tension lines New transformers Poles erected Joytigram feeders Project cost Govt grant No. of days Joytigram 21 Another derived benefit from this innovative approach has been the reduction in distribution losses by 3. 74% and T/C failure by 1. 17% during the year 2005-2006 compared to year 2004-0511. The Electricity Board has also benefited by increased revenues. Once considered as bankrupt, it has seen a quantum jump in revenues from Rs 850 crore in 2004-05 to Rs 1231 crore in 2007-08 to Rs 1437 crore in 2008-09.All this is said to be achieved without a single increase in electricity tariff for the past 7 years. Thus, Gujarat†™s agricultural boom is also driven by a much-improved rural power supply, which is mainly on account of the Jyotigram scheme. Besides making power available at stipulated times for the farming community, metering electricity use for irrigation purposes and charging farmers at near commercial rates based on power consumption is ultimately the ideal solution to these traditional vows.The link between electricity–groundwater is well established, a good and assured power supply and pre-defined time periods for the agrarian communities in water scare areas is critical to ensure balanced and sustainable extraction of groundwater resources. However, doing this will remain a politically sensitive issue, until such beneficial public systems find a feasible way of meeting this challenge and even restoring the health of power companies’ in these populous agrarian states. 11 http://guj-epd. gov. in/epd_jyotiyojna. htm 22 Key drivers 1 Water availabilityKey drivers 2 Power avail ability Key drivers 3 Extension/ access to info Key drivers 4 Crop diversification Driver 3: Provision of Extension services: taking lab to the land – Krishi Mahotsav , an innovative agri-extension service Gujarat has stepped up its farm extension services significantly in the last few years, taking knowledge from research campuses and labs to the farms. The event facilitates seamless flow of knowledge to the agrarian communities in the rural hinterlands who normally have limited access to such information. Started in 2005 , the Krishi Mahotsavs have grown in scope.As many as 18,600 villages host the event starting on the Akshaya Tritiya day (an auspicious day in the Hindu calendar falling in May-June). So what is so unique about this Krishi Mahotsav of Gujarat? Krishi Mahotsav is an intensive convergence and mass contact programme which is launched off by the political leadership, led by local elected leaders and run by the state government functionaries. It’s an all inclusive programme, with the CM taking the lead and all elected members also visiting their concerned constituencies during this period.The Krishi Mahotsav was initially dubbed by the critics as a publicity stunt and wastage of government money. But, it has proved to the contrary, with a multi-disciplinary team of about one lakh government employees of 18 state departments / universities and students join hands. All related departments from agriculture, horticulture, AH, health, revenue officials, forestry, education, rural development etc join hands in the mission to reach every village in the state. Thus, it’s not left to the exclusive domain of the agriculture department, though it co-ordinates the entire event.It’s in fact a month-long knowledge sharing rendezvous with the farming community during the peak summer months ie; before the onset of monsoons / cropping seasons. Thus the timing of the programme is critical and the sends out a clear message of intent and concern. The sequence of events and the processes have been explained in the Annexure enclosed. As a part of the krishi Mahaotsav demonstrations of technology, tools are also equipments, undertaken at the village level. A Krishi Rath – complete with audiovisual equipment, posters, models and accompanied by scientists and administrators – visits every village of the state.Last year about 239 tractor-mounted Krishi raths traveled through the designated paths covering all the 226 Krishi rath in a village development blocks and 18,000 odd villages. The time, route and duration of each of these Raths are predetermined and informed to the villagers. A maximum of three villages are 23 covered in a day by the kirshi raths. The night halts are also effectively used to screen AV about various critical issues pertaining to agriculture. Thus, the Krishi Raths, which travels through thousands of villages, usher in a festive mood in the villages.The krishi rath has been a cost effec tive method of carrying a tractor mounted panel cum exhibition material ( worth Rs 50,000) on rented tractors. The entire hire charges costs the government about Rs 2. 5 lakh per krishi rath for the one month sojourn. Besides the Krishi raths, large exhibitions are organized in all the agricultural university campuses and district towns which are widely attended by thousands of farmers. The CM besides flagging off the programme at one of the agriUniversities also visits a few villages and closely monitors the programme.It’s understood that some of the raths are fitted with Video Conferencing facilities, and there are often surprise interaction by the CM with the villagers and also the staff involved in the Mahaotsav in the village. A team of 5 members are normally selected to each village which could include University staff, government officers, who are expected to spend time with farmers, listening to their problems and developing solutions. Year Krishi Mahotsav – 20 08 –illustrative list of achievements, after year the Krishi reported by the State Government – (Source: GOG)Mahotsav has been 1 Agriculture Kit Distribution 157926 considerably improving 2 Horticulture Kit Distribution 133299 through productivity knowledge sharing and 3 Animal Husbandry Kit Distribution 369796 orientation of farmers 4 Soil Health Card Distribution 84933 towards value added 5 New soil sample 248440 modern agriculture, 6 Kisan credit card 65839 marketing methods, organic farming and new 7 Animal Vaccination 5133141 technology. 8 9 Khet Talavadi Drip Irrigation 11245 26058 the Mahotsav During scientists besides giving 10 Tree Sapling 13148454 lectures about crop 11 Guidance by Agri.Scientist in Kisan 1396795 production practices, crop Shibir protection measures, also 12 Personal Guidance No. of Farmers 428937 undertake soil health tests 13 Guidance for marketing system by 158510 and give soil-health cards APMC to the farmers detailing the soil compositio n, and the best possible crops for the soil type. They also carry out vaccination of the cattle, distribute kits on agriculture, animal husbandry, and horticulture to 5- 10 poorest farmers in the village. Gujarat officials recount several effects of the reinvented extension model.For instance, they argue that in using chemical fertilisers, Gujarat farmers have moved wholesale from a 13:7. 5:1 nitrogen-phosphorous-potassium composition to a 5. 8:3:1, thereby reducing cost, optimising production and improving net income. 24 Thus, the Gujarat evolved annual month-long Krishi Mahotsav campaign is a unique extension model that brings agricultural scientists, extension staff, agroindustries, input suppliers, cooperatives, banks, local and state-level political leaders together on a platform to exchange knowledge and information on the latest technologies and market opportunities12.The normal disconnect which exists between many of the stakeholders seem to reduce substantially with this un ique effort at convergence. This also sends out a serious message about the purpose and intent to help and find solutions. Another key aspect has been the meticulous planning for the event and the clear role and responsibility assigned to each of the government staff concerned during the Krishi Mahotsav (details of the villages assigned, including the mobile numbers of the staff is uploaded on the website).The entire operations and activities of the krihi mahotsav is closely monitored by the senior officials and also the political leadership of the state. While farmers suggest that the quality of work in these fairs leaves room for improvement, they agree that the researchers need to gain more practical experience, however, there is no denying the fact that the programme has enabled in spreading awareness about things such as soil quality, fertilizer use etc.The field interactions also suggest that the staff of the department and university have also greatly benefited from the entir e event with greater field orientation in the work they do. Thus, it has been a two way learning process. 12 Shah, T et al (2009), the Secret of Gujarat’s agrarian miracle after 2000; Economic & Political Weekly ,26 December, vol xliv no 52, page 45-52 25 Key driver 1 Water availability Key driver 2 Power availability Key driver 3 Extension/ access to info Key driver 4 Crop diversificationDriver 4 : Crop diversification : Switching crops for better incomes Though, studies suggest that number of factors govern the nature and speed of crop diversification by farmers, but availability of resource endowments like water and irrigation facility and technological support could serve as key determinants for the change. From a farmer’s perspective greater margins and income serve as compelling reasons for the crop switch. However, availability of incentives like subsidies does give a fillip to the crop diversification process.The Gujarat story is profoundly familiar to the abov e observations; as the concerted efforts to recharge water table and its increased availability coupled with regulated electricity for agricultural use triggered two clear movements viz; increased production of crops with greater stability in production patterns and as also crop switch by farmers. Even before this, the striking feature of the Gujarat’s agriculture has been its pronounced slant towards cash crops which formed more than 50 % of the GCA, whereas the normal crop coverage has a predominance of food grains.However, availability of irrigation water did give an impetus to crop diversification as also increased Rabi coverage in Saurashtra, kutch and north Gujarat. The reports suggest about 6-8 lakh ha of additional area being brought under Rabi in the recent past. One of the clear winners in the crop switch story has been Bt cotton. The expansion in Bt cotton is matched by expansion in irrigated cotton; this suggests that Bt cotton benefits hugely from four to five su pplemental irrigations provided at critical points of crop growth.Gujarat increased its cotton yield over six fold from 175 kg per hectare in 2001-02 to 798 kg per hectare in 2008-09, higher that the world average yield of 787 kg per hectare in 2007-08 (Damor 2008)13 because of the combined effect of Bt cotton and irrigation in Saurashtra, Kutch and North Gujarat. The rise of Bt cotton supported by a high MSP for cotton offered a big opportunity for farmers. The farmers in these regions exploited this opportunity brilliantly.While the public sector generally plays a role in production and distribution of high yielding variety (HYV) seeds like wheat, the private seed sector took a lead role in developing and promoting the use of Bt Cotton seeds. Gujarat alone, has more than 30 odd private seed companies which have registered over 120 varieties of Bt Cotton. The state already has a history of having developed the first cotton hybrid of the country (H4). Thus, the cotton growth story c ould be partly due to the numerous hybrids being developed by local farmers and the seed production of Bt cotton seeds in farmer’s fields in Gujarat.The state agriculture university reports that the state has over 200 varieties of Cotton, which could be Bt, hybrid, or other common desi varieties. Not only has the yield more than doubled in just five to six years, at present more than 50% of the total cotton area in Gujarat has come under Bt cotton. Another positive aspect for the cotton growers has been its comfortable forward linkages and vertical integration with the cotton related industries. The Industry is also said to be witnessing a resurgence of interest among textile players because 13Damor, Kalpesh (2008): â€Å"Gujarat Cotton Yield May Cross World Average†, Business Standard, 8 October 26 of easy access to raw material at reduced freight. Two more major textile projects envisaging an investment of more than Rs. 10. 5 billion are slotted to come up at Jhagadi a in central Gujarat. According to Cotton Advisory Board (CAB) estimates, India`s cotton production in 2007-08 has jumped by 12. 5 % at 31. 5 million bales (1 bale = 170 kg) as compared to 28 million bales in previous year. Gujarat state has contributed 35% of this production. This proves very high productivity of cotton in Gujarat.The State Government’s Agro-vision 2010 (a model blue print for all round development of agriculture) lays emphasis on cultivation of high value, low volume crops. Thus, besides, cotton a few other crops like wheat, castor and horticulture are also a part of the diversification story, which again is triggered by availability of suitable resource endowments for farmers. Accordingly the area under some of the low value crops like bajra and jowar has sharply declined over the years. The high growth had also come from fruits and vegetables (dominated by banana, mango, potato and onions) that has grown at almost 12. % during 2000/01 to 2007/08. Area und er horticulture is constantly increasing in the state, roughly by 30,000 ha/year partly driven by the NHM initiatives. The area & production of horticulture crop was 5. 98 lakh Ha (5 % of total cropped area) & 59. 03 lakh tons in 1998-1999 which increases up to 9. 65 lakh ha. (9. 65 % of total cropped area) & 90. 95 lakh ton respectively in 2004-05. It is targeted to cover 19. 00 lakh ha. of land under horticulture by year 2010 in the state. Another important crop has been wheat